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#CARD:El Salvador:Background Notes
BACKGROUND NOTES: EL SALVADOR
PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
US DEPARTMENT OF STATE
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FEBRUARY 1993
Official Name: Republic of El Salvador
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PROFILE
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Geography
Area: 21,476 sq. km. (8,260 sq. mi.); about the size of Massachusetts.
Cities: Capital--San Salvador (pop. 1.4 million). Other cities--Santa
Ana, San Miguel. Terrain: Mountains separate country into three
distinct regions: southern coastal belt; central valleys and plateaus; and
northern mountains. Climate: Semitropical, distinct wet and dry
seasons.
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People
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Salvadoran(s). Population (1992
est.): 5 million. Annual growth rate (1992): 3%. Density: 235 per sq.
km. (635 per sq. mi.). Ethnic groups: Mestizo 89%, Indian 10%,
Caucasian 1%. Religion: Largely Roman Catholic, with growing
Protestant groups throughout the country. Language: Spanish.
Education: Years compulsory--6. Attendance--82%. Literacy--65%
among adults. Health: Infant mortality rates--49/1,000 in 1990. Life
expectancy rate (1990)--males 62 yrs., females 68 yrs. Work force--
(2.5 million): Agriculture--40%. Services--27%. Industry--16%.
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Government
Type: Republic. Constitution: December 20, 1983. Independence:
September 15, 1821.
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Branches: Executive--president and vice president. Legislative--84-
member National Assembly. Judicial--independent (Supreme Court).
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Administrative subdivisions: 14 departments.
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Political parties: Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA), Christian
Democratic Party (PDC), National Conciliation Party (PCN), Authentic
Christian Movement (MAC), Nationalist Democratic Union (UDN),
Social Democratic Party (PSD), National Revolutionary Movement
(MNR), Popular Social Christian Movement (MPSC), National
Solidarity Movement (MSN), Free People (PL). As a result of the
peace agreement with the Government of El Salvador in 1992, the
Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) guerrillas became a
political party after disarming and demobilizing its forces. Suffrage:
Universal at 18.
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Flag: Two turquoise blue horizontal stripes and a white middle; in the
center, a coat of arms inscribed "1821," the year of independence from
Spain.
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Economy
GDP (1992 est.): $5.1 billion. Annual growth rate (1992 est.): 4%.
Per capita income: $1,160. Avg. inflation rate (1992): 20%.
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Agriculture: 10% of GDP. Products--coffee (30% of agricultural
output), cotton, sugar, livestock, corn, poultry, sorghum. Arable,
cultivated, or pasture land--67%.
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Industry: 19% of GDP. Types--food and beverage processing,
textiles, footwear and clothing, chemical products, petroleum products.
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Trade (1992 est.): Exports--$683 million: coffee, sugar, cotton and
shrimp. Partners--US 41%, EC 30%, Central American Common
Market 10%, Japan 4%, Germany 2%. Imports--$1.5 billion:
consumer goods, food stuffs, machinery, autos, petroleum. Partners--
US 41%, Guatemala 12%, Venezuela 7%, Mexico 7%, Germany 5%,
Japan 4%.
Exchange rate (1992): 8.7 colones=$1. (###)
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PEOPLE
About 90% of El Salvador's population are of Indian and Spanish
extraction. Very few Indians have retained their customs and
traditions. An estimated 58% of the population lives in rural areas.
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HISTORY
Before the Spanish conquest, the area that is now El Salvador was made
up of two large Indian states and several principalities. The indigenous
inhabitants were the Pipils, a tribe of nomadic Nahua people long-
established in Mexico. Early in their history, they became one of the
few Meso-American Indian groups to abolish human sacrifice.
Otherwise, their culture was similar to that of their Aztec neighbors.
Remains of Nahua culture are still found at ruins such as San Andres
(northeast of Armenia) and Tazumal (near Chalchuapa).
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The first Spanish attempt to subjugate this area failed in 1524, when
Pedro de Alvarado was forced to retreat by Pipil forces. In 1525, he
returned and succeeded in bringing the district under control of the
Captaincy General of Guatemala, which retained its authority until 1821
despite an abortive revolution in 1811.
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In 1821, El Salvador and the other Central American provinces declared
their independence from Spain. When these provinces were joined with
Mexico in early 1822, El Salvador resisted, insisting on autonomy for
the Central American countries. Guatemalan troops sent to enforce the
union were driven out of El Salvador in June 1822. In early 1823,
Gen. Manuel Jose Arce's army was defeated by the Mexicans. Before
this contest was decided, El Salvador, fearing incorporation into
Mexico, petitioned the US Government for statehood. In February
1823, however, a revolution in Mexico ousted Emperor Augustin
Iturbide, and a new Mexican Congress voted to allow the Central
American provinces to decide their own fate. That same year, the
United Province of Central America was formed of the five Central
American states under Arce. When this federation was dissolved in
1838, El Salvador became an independent republic. As elsewhere in
Central America, frequent revolutions have marked El Salvador's
history as an independent state, although relative stability was achieved
during the period from 1900 to 1930.
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The power structure was controlled by a relatively small number of
wealthy landowners, known as "the 14 families." The economy, based
on the cultivation of coffee, prospered or suffered as the world coffee
price fluctuated. The economic elite ruled the country in conjunction
with the military. From Gen. Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez's 1932
coup, following his brutal suppression of rural resistance, until 1980,
every president, with the exception of one provisional executive who
served 4 months, was an army officer. Periodic presidential elections
were seldom free or fair.
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In July 1969, El Salvador and Honduras fought the brief "soccer war"
over disputed border areas and friction caused over the 300,000
Salvadorans who had emigrated to Honduras in search of land and
employment. The catalyst was nationalistic feelings aroused by a series
of soccer matches between the two countries. Salvadoran forces
penetrated as far as 29 kilometers (18 mi.) into Honduras. The two
countries formally signed a peace treaty on October 30, 1980, which put
the border dispute before the International Court of Justice. In
September 1992, the court issued a 400-page ruling, awarding much of
the disputed land to Honduras (see maps on next page). Currently,
excellent diplomatic and trade relations exist between El Salvador and
Honduras.
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During the 1970s, the political, social, and economic situation began to
deteriorate. The military leadership created its own party, the National
Conciliation Party (PNC), which nominated Colonel Arturo Molina in
the 1972 presidential election. The opposition united under Jose
Napoleon Duarte, leader of the Christian Democratic Party (PDC).
Amid widespread fraud, Duarte's broad-based reform movement was
defeated. Subsequent protests and an attempted coup were crushed, and
Duarte was exiled. These events eroded hope of reform through
democratic means and persuaded many opponents of military rule that
armed insurrection was the only way to achieve change. Leftist groups
capitalizing upon social discontent gained strength and, by 1979,
guerrilla warfare had broken out in the cities and the countryside.
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The cycle of violence accelerated as rightist vigilante "death squads"
killed thousands. The poorly trained Salvadoran armed forces (ESAF)
also engaged in repression and indiscriminate killings. The country's
antiquated judicial system was unable to cope with the lawlessness.
Opposition to the government's agrarian reform program engendered
rural conflict. After the collapse of the Somoza regime in Nicaragua in
1979, the new Sandinista Government provided large amounts of arms
and munitions to five guerrilla groups, and a military victory by the
guerrillas appeared possible.
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On October 15, 1979, reform-minded military officers joined with
moderate civilian leaders to undertake a peaceful revolution. In January
1980, progressive civilians joined them to form a revolutionary junta.
Christian Democratic Party leader Jose Napoleon Duarte entered the
junta in March 1980, leading the provisional government until the
elections of March 1982.
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The junta initiated a land reform program and nationalized the banks and
the marketing of coffee and sugar. Political parties were allowed to
function again, and on March 28, 1982, Salvadorans elected 60 deputies
to a constituent assembly. The election was observed by more than 200
international representatives and more than 700 members of the
international press. All observers reported that the elections were free
and fair. Following that election, authority was peacefully transferred to
Alvaro Magana, the provisional president selected by the assembly.
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The 1983 constitution, drafted by the assembly, strengthened individual
rights, established safeguards against excessive provisional detention
and unreasonable searches, established a republican, pluralistic form of
government, strengthened the legislative branch, and enhanced judicial
independence. It also codified labor rights, particularly for agricultural
workers. The newly initiated reforms, however, did not satisfy the
guerrilla movements, which had unified under Cuban auspices as the
Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN).
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The constituent assembly scheduled presidential elections for March
1984, while planning for legislative and municipal elections in March
1985. Jose Napoleon Duarte won the presidential election against
Roberto D'Aubuisson of the Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA)
with 54% of the vote and became the first freely elected President of El
Salvador in more than 50 years. Voters returned to the polls in 1985
and 1988 to vote in legislative and municipal elections. In March 1989,
ARENA's Alfredo Cristiani won the presidential election with 54% of
the vote. President Cristiani's inauguration on June 1, 1989, marked
the first time in decades that power had passed peacefully from one
freely elected civilian leader to another.
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In 1990, reform of the electoral system expanded the assembly from
60 to 84 deputies in order to broaden the base of representation from the
smaller parties and increase the opportunity for the parties of the left to
win office. In the March 1991 assembly election, the Nationalist
Republican Party (ARENA), Christian Democratic Party (PDC),
National Conciliation Party (PCN), the Democratic Convergence (CD)
coalition, Authentic Christian Movement (MAC) and Nationalist
Democratic Union (UDN) ran candidates for the 84 seats in Legislative
Assembly as well as mayors and town councils in the nation's 262
municipalities. ARENA lost its majority in the Legislative Assembly but
won 44% of the vote (39 deputies) and 177 municipalities. The PDC
received 28% of the vote (26 deputies) and 69 municipalities. The
election gave the CD eight deputies, the PCN nine, and the MAC and
UDN one each.
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Negotiations
Upon his inauguration in June 1989, President Cristiani called for direct
dialogue between the government and the guerrillas. An unmediated
dialogue process involving monthly meetings between the two sides
was initiated in September 1989, lasting until the FMLN launched a
bloody nationwide offensive in November 1989.
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In early 1990, following a request from the Central American
presidents, the UN became involved in an effort to mediate direct talks
between the two sides. The government and the guerrillas met under
UN auspices in May and agreed to meet monthly to achieve a negotiated
political solution to the conflict and to bring about the demobilization
and reintegration of the FMLN December 1990, but little progress was
made.
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In September 1991 the government, represented by President Cristiani,
and the FMLN accepted an invitation from the UN Secretary General to
meet in New York City to seek a resolution to issues creating an
impasse in the negotiations.
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On September 25, the two sides signed the New York City accord. It
concentrated the negotiating process into one phase in order to establish,
before a cease-fire, the necessary conditions and guarantees for the
reintegration of FMLN members into Salvadoran society within a
framework of full legality. The two sides agreed to create the
Committee for the Consolidation of the Peace (COPAZ), made up of
representatives of the government, FMLN, and political parties, with
Catholic Church and UN observers. The direct participation of
President Cristiani and Secretary General Javier Perez de Cuellar was
crucial to this breakthrough.
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On December 31, 1991, the government and the FMLN signed an
agreement under the auspices of Secretary-General Perez de Cuellar.
The final agreement, called the Accords of Chapultepec, was signed in
Mexico City on January 16, 1992. The cease-fire took effect February
1, 1992, and was to last 9 months before the war would be declared
officially ended.
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Peace Process
The Chapultepec Accord included a 2-year timetable setting
requirements for the completion of different aspects of the troop
reduction accords. Most importantly, the cease-fire survived without a
single violation. It ended on December 15, 1992, when the last
elements of the FMLN military structure were demobilized.
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Most of the FMLN's declared arms inventory was destroyed by the end
of the year. Concurrent with the dismantling of its military structure,
the FMLN became a legal political party. World dignitaries, including
UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali and former Vice
President Quayle, attended a December 15, 1992, ceremony marking
these events. In March 1994, the FMLN will participate in elections
which, for the first time, will feature simultaneous presidential,
legislative, and municipal races. Many observers believe these elections
will mark the de facto end of the Salvadoran peace process.
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The peace process has been monitored by the UN Mission to El
Salvador (known by its Spanish acronym ONUSAL), which at its peak
had close to 1,000 observers in the country. ONUSAL is divided into
three contingents: human rights, military, and police. The UN is
expected to maintain some type of presence in the country through the
March 1994 elections.
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Demobilization of Salvadoran military forces generally proceeded on
schedule throughout the process. By early January 1993, all but one of
the immediate reaction battalions had been demobilized (with the final
due to demobilize on February 8). The treasury police and national
guard were abolished, and the intelligence service was transferred to
civilian control. By February 1993, the military had lowered force
levels from a wartime high of 63,000 to the level of 32,000 required in
the Peace Accords; this was achieved 9 months ahead of schedule.
President Cristiani began the required purge of military officers accused
of human rights abuses and corruption in early January 1993; however,
he has delayed the completion of the process.
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The training of the new civilian police began several months late with
the opening of its academy in September 1992, but the establishment of
the force continued otherwise on schedule. Cadets from the academy
successfully served as temporary police in ex-conflict zones. The first
academy class graduated at the beginning of February 1993, with an
additional class to follow each month. These first classes will be
deployed directly to ex-conflict zones.
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Land transfers proved to be a serious source of contention between the
government and the FMLN in the early stages of the cease-fire, but an
agreement brokered by the UN Secretary General in September
established a three-phase program to transfer land to former guerrillas,
their supporters, and former soldiers. By the end of 1992, the first
phase was well underway with the second phase ready to begin.
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Principal Government Officials
The Government of El Salvador is a democratic republic governed by
the president and Legislative Assembly. Alfredo Cristiani of the
ARENA party began his 5-year term as President on June 1, 1989, and
cannot succeed himself.
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President--Alfredo Felix Cristiani Burkard
Vice President--Jose Francisco Merino Lopez
Minister of Foreign Relations--Jose Manuel Pacas Castro
Ambassador to the United States--Miguel Angel Salaverria
Representative to the OAS--Jose Roberto Andino Salazar
Representative to the UN--Ricardo Castaneda
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El Salvador maintains an embassy in the United States at 2308
California Street NW, Washington, DC 20008 (tel. 202-265-9671).
There are consulates in Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, New
Orleans, New York, and San Francisco.
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POLITICAL CONDITIONS
Political, historical, and cultural factors led to the endemic violence that
El Salvador suffered beginning in the early 1980s. The commitment to
social reform, the institutionalization of democracy, and the increased
professionalism of the armed forces (ESAF) were the keys to the drop
in violence in the mid-1980s. Despite the sincere efforts at reform by
the Duarte Administration, its failures to improve the economy,
allegations of corruption, and poor relations with the private sector
disappointed many Salvadorans. Duarte's attempts to manage the
country were hindered by a massive earthquake, guerrilla raids, and
historically low prices for the nation's main agricultural exports: coffee,
sugar, and cotton. These factors contributed to the ARENA victories in
the 1988 legislative elections and the 1989 presidential elections.
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ARENA is the leading party of El Salvador's political right. It was
organized in 1982 by Roberto D'Aubuisson and other ultra-rightists.
His electoral fortunes were diminished by credible reports that he was
involved in organized political violence. Following the defeat of
D'Aubuisson in the 1984 presidential election, ARENA sought to
moderate its image and reach out to other elements in society,
particularly the private sector. By 1989, the party had attracted the
support of business groups and had nominated Alfredo Cristiani--a
moderate businessman and coffee grower--as its presidential candidate.
ARENA was thus well positioned to benefit from popular discontent
with the Duarte Administration.
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Along with ARENA and the Christian Democratic Party, several other
vocal political parties play roles in Salvadoran democracy: the
Democratic Convergence, nominally a coalition of three leftist parties
but essentially a new name for the Popular Social Christian Movement,
a party led by Ruben Zamora; the National Conciliation Party, created
by the Salvadoran military and allied with ARENA in the assembly; and
the National Solidarity Movement, a new party based in the Salvadoran
evangelical movement. As a result of the peace agreement with the
Government of El Salvador in 1992, the FMLN became a political party
after disarming and demobilizing its forces.
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Labor unions, the universities, and the Catholic Church play major roles
in the Salvadoran political system. Two main labor umbrella groups
represent most of El Salvador's 300,000 organized workers. The
Democratic National Union of Peasants and Workers (UNOC)
represents some 250,000 workers, and its leadership is closely linked to
the PDC. The National Union of Salvadoran Workers (UNTS)
represents about 55,000 workers and other supporters. UNTS usually
hews to the FMLN line in political matters, and four members of the
UNTS executive committee became official founders of the FMLN
political party.
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The National University of El Salvador (UES) has also been heavily
influenced by the FMLN. UES was closed by the military from 1980
until 1984, when it was reopened by President Duarte; it also was
closed for several months in the aftermath of the November 1989
offensive. A number of private universities, including the Jesuit-run
University of Central America also operate in El Salvador. Since the
late 1970s, when Archbishop Romero (assassinated in 1980) called for
an end to repression and for social justice, the Catholic church has been
a vocal and aggressive advocate of peace. The church mediated the
1984 dialogue between the government and the guerrillas, and the
release of then-president Duarte's daughter, whom the guerrillas had
abducted.
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Human Rights
During the 12-year civil war, human rights violations by both left and
right-wing forces were rampant. There were incidents of political
killings, torture of detainees, arbitrary arrest, and forced recruitment by
the ESAF. There were also cases of killings, kidnapings, abuse of non-
combatants, intimidation of civilians, and forced recruitment by the
FMLN. Right-wing death squads took advantage of this chaotic
environment to engage in political assassinations. Many individuals and
institutions acted with virtual impunity from a judicial system
overwhelmed by the magnitude of the bloodshed and burdened with
corruption. The United Nations reported a dramatic decline in political
killings by all sides and other violations since 1991, and reports that the
human rights situation in El Salvador continued to improve during
1992. This is largely a reflection of the cease-fire agreement of
December 1991 and the commitment by the government and the FMLN
not to derail the peace process. In part, the decline in human rights
abuses also may reflect a growing commitment to judicial accountability
in El Salvador. The government and the FMLN both express a
commitment to end human rights abuses and are cooperating with a truth
commission established under UN auspices to investigate and prosecute
the most serious cases of human rights abuses during the civil war.
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Although many cases go unresolved, there is a growing commitment to
prosecute human rights offenders. A sign of this improvement was the
conviction of a high ranking military officer for the murder of six Jesuit
priests, the priests' house-keeper, and her daughter in November 1989.
An investigation by the US-trained and equipped Special Investigative
Unit revealed the participation of an ESAF unit. On September 28,
1991, a jury found Col. Guillermo Bendavides guilty of having ordered
the murders. Lt. Yusshi Rene Mendoza was convicted of ordering the
murder of the house-keeper's daughter. Both received the maximum
sentence--30 years in prison. The jury apparently made a distinction
between the ordering and the commission of the murders when it found
seven lower-ranking soldiers not guilty of murder. Three lower-ranking
officers each received 3-year prison sentences. Colonel Bendavides'
conviction was the first of a high-ranking military officer for a human
rights abuse.
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The FMLN also has begun to cooperate with the judicial process. On
March 17, 1992, it surrendered two members of its ERP guerrilla
faction, "Porfirio" (Fernan Hernandez) and "Aparicio" (Siberiano
Fuentes), allegedly responsible for the murder of two US airmen who
survived a crash after their helicopter was shot down on January 2,
1991, while on a non-combat flight over El Salvador. The FMLN
turned over evidence in the case and maintained that the men turned
themselves in voluntarily. The case is being tried in El Salvador.
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While these two cases represent a strengthening of judicial
accountability in El Salvador, many other human rights abuses are not
investigated fully.
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ECONOMY
The Salvadoran economy maintained positive growth in 1991 and 1992.
Real gross domestic product grew by 3.5% in 1991 and by 4% in 1992,
the highest rates in 12 years. Inflation increased to 20% in 1992.
Disappointing agricultural performance, however, dampened the overall
recovery. The contribution of coffee to the economy (30% of total
agricultural output) fell, because of decreased yields, and low
international prices which reduced the value of coffee exports overall.
Rich soil, moderate climate, and a hard-working and enterprising labor
pool comprise El Salvador's greatest assets. With the peace accords,
there is hope that the economy will recover. Recently, El Salvador's
development efforts have focused on non-traditional agricultural
exports.
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El Salvador historically has been the most industrialized nation in
Central America, though a decade of war has eroded this position. In
1992, manufacturing accounted for 19% of GDP and employed 16% of
the work force. Based primarily in the capital city of San Salvador, the
industrial sector is oriented largely toward domestic and Central
American markets. Textiles, footwear and clothing, beverages,
processed food, tobacco, wood and metal products, and chemical
products are the principal manufactured goods.
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The war's impact was devastating. From 1979 to 1990, losses due to
guerrilla sabotage totaled about $2.2 billion. Since attacks on economic
targets declined significantly in 1991 and ended in 1992, the improved
investor confidence should lead to increased private investment.
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Throughout the conflict, El Salvador's infrastructure remained
serviceable, with adequate transportation and communications systems
throughout the country.
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The improvement in El Salvador's economy is due to free market policy
initiatives launched by the Cristiani Government in July 1989. Reforms
included elimination of price controls on 240 consumer products; break-
up of government and government-sanctioned monopolies in the export
of coffee, sugar, and cotton; reduction of import duties; elimination of
non-tariff barriers; adoption of a free-market exchange-rate system;
maintenance of positive real interest rates; and deficit reduction. The
government also has formulated a plan to privatize the banking system.
In July 1992, after a long political struggle, the National Assembly
passed a law establishing a 10% value-added tax.
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The Cristiani Government has launched a $81 billion national
reconstruction program. The government remains dependent on foreign
assistance to meet its public sector and balance-of-payments deficits.
The most important source of external aid is official US assistance. In
fiscal year (FY) 1991, the US Agency for International Development
(USAID) administered a program of about $222 million. US aid in
FY1992 amounted to $217 million. The amount proposed for FY1993
is $224 million.
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Since 1990, Cristiani's economic program has received strong support
from international financial institutions. The International Monetary
Fund approved a 12-month stand-by agreement which paved the way
for a rescheduling of $135 million of its Paris Club debt with official
creditors. The World Bank approved a $75 million structural-
adjustment loan. In May 1991, General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (GATT) members approved El Salvador's membership. Bilateral
and multilateral donors are coordinating with the government for a
national reconstruction assistance package worth more than $1 billion.
Finally, in December 1992, the US Government reduced El Salvador's
debt by 75%, from $617 million to $151 million, under provisions of
the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative.
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In March 1992, El Salvador and Guatemala also signed a free trade
agreement calling for common external tariff and export tax systems.
This was a major step in efforts to push for genuine Central American
economic integration. Similar agreements are expected to be negotiated
with Honduras.
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Before 1980, a small economic elite owned most of the land in El
Salvador and controlled a highly successful agricultural industry. About
70% of farmers were sharecroppers or laborers on large plantations.
Many farm workers were under- or unemployed and impoverished.
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The civilian-military junta which came to power in 1979 instituted an
ambitious land reform program to redress the inequities of the past,
respond to the legitimate grievances of the rural poor, and promote more
broadly based growth in the agricultural sector. The ultimate goal was
to develop a rural middle class with a stake in a peaceful and prosperous
future for El Salvador.
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The 1980 land reform program was comprised of three phases. Phase I
expropriated all land holdings larger than 500 hectares and transformed
them into cooperatives. The Salvadoran agrarian reform institute was
charged with administering Phase I land. Phase II required owners to
sell land in excess of 245 hectares to agricultural workers and their
associations or to small farmers, but not to owners' relatives, within 3
years. The groundwork for this phase was laid in the December 1983
constitution. Implementing legislation was delayed until 1987, and little
land has been expropriated under Phase II, but the vast majority of land-
lords voluntarily sold land in excess of 245 hectares. The Phase III
program allowed renters and sharecroppers to apply for titles for up to
7.5 hectares of land they had tilled in 1980, either individually or as
members of cooperatives. More than 525,000 people (more than 12%
of El Salvador's total population and perhaps 25% of the rural poor)
have benefited from the agrarian reform, and more than 22% of El
Salvador's total farmland has been transferred to those who previously
worked the land but did not own it. By 1990, however, about 150,000
landless families had still not benefited from the agrarian reform actions.
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The peace accords require land transfers to ex-combatants of both the
FMLN and ESAF, as well as to landless peasants living in former
conflict areas. While strongly opposed to new land expropriations, the
government is committed to facilitating the voluntary transfer of land.
Thousands of these transactions have been financed through the US-
assisted land bank.
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FOREIGN RELATIONS
El Salvador is a member of the United Nations and several of its
specialized agencies and the Organization of American States (OAS). It
is a member of the Central American Common Market (CACM) and
actively participates in the Central American Security Commission
(CASC), which seeks to promote regional arms control. It is also a
member of the Central American Parliament (PARLACEN) and the
Central American Integration System (SICA). In 1991, El Salvador and
its Central American neighbors announced their interest in negotiating a
regional free-trade agreement.
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El Salvador has played a constructive and activist role in the Esquipulas
process, a regional effort to promote peace in Central America. The
Government of El Salvador is firmly committed to a comprehensive
agreement linking guarantees of security among the Central American
countries to national reconciliation through democratization within each
country.
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US-SALVADORAN RELATIONS
US-Salvadoran relations traditionally have been cordial and close. US
policy seeks to promote:
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-- The complete implementation of the peace accords;
-- The strengthening of El Salvador's democratic institutions, rule of
law, and judicial reform;
-- National reconciliation and an end to the cycle of political violence;
-- National reconstruction, economic opportunity, and growth;
-- Support for the regional security objectives embodied in the
Esquipulas II agreement.
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Principal US Officials
Ambassador--vacant
Charge d'Affaires--Peter F. Romero
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The US embassy in El Salvador is located at Final Blvd., Santa Elena,
Antiguo Cuscatlan, San Salvador (tel. 503-78-44-44, fax: 503-78-60-
11). (###)
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Key Provisions of the Peace Accord
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Military Reform
-- New armed forces doctrine stressing democratic values and
prohibiting an internal security role, except under extraordinary
circumstances.
-- Evaluation and selection out of the officer corps by a commission
composed of three civilians and two non-voting military officers.
-- 50% reduction of military manpower by October 1993; national
guard, treasury police, and all elite counter-insurgency battalions to be
dissolved.
-- New civilian intelligence service under the president's authority and
legislative oversight.
-- Paramilitary groups banned, civil defense forces dissolved, new
military reserve system instituted, and forced recruitment ended.
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National Civilian Police
-- New civilian police force for both urban and rural areas.
-- Educational and other requirements for police personnel; preference
for recruits with no direct involvement in the war to be trained at a new,
independent police academy.
-- Existing national police transferred from defense ministry to ministry
of the presidency to carry out duties under UN monitoring until a new
civilian force is phased in.
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Judicial Reform
-- Independent national judicial council to foster a fair and independent
judiciary.
-- School for judicial training to improve professionalism of judges and
other judicial officials.
-- Creation of a human rights ombudsman.
-- Charging the attorney general with conducting criminal
investigations.
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Electoral Reform
-- Special commission to study draft reforms to electoral code.
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Social Issues
-- Government implementation of existing land reform (transfer land
exceeding the constitutional limit of 245 hectares) under supervision of a
special commission.
-- Preference given to former combatants from both sides in distribution
of state-owned land.
-- Government to finance long-term, low-interest loans for land
purchases.
-- Moratorium on return of land illegally taken by the FMLN, after
which those holding land may purchase it or be resettled.
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TRAVEL NOTES:
Climate: Semitropical. The country has distinct wet and dry seasons.
March and April are the hottest months, and the wet season is from May
to November. San Salvador's climate is moderate.
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Customs: A passport and a visa are required for entry to El Salvador.
There are no airport visas or tourist cards available for last-minute entry.
For additional information, travelers may contact the consular section of
the embassy of El Salvador at 1010 16th St. NW, Washington, DC
20036, tel. 202-331-4032. Visas are free and can be issued for multiple
entries over a 10-year period of validity. American citizens should
register at the US embassy during a visit to obtain current information
on travel, security in former conflict zones, crime, or health conditions.
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Published by the United States Department of State -- Bureau of Public
Affairs -- Office of Public Communication -- Washington, DC,
February 1993 -- Editor: Peter A. Knecht
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Department of State Publication 7794
Background Notes Series -- This material is in the public domain and
may be reprinted without permission; citation of this source is
appreciated.
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For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, US Government Printing
Office, Washington, DC 20402.
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Contents of this publication are not copyrighted unless indicated. If not
copyrighted, the material may be reproduced without consent; citation of
the publication as the source is appreciated. Permission to reproduce
any copyrighted material (including graphics) must be obtained from the
original source.
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#ENDCARD